La Tène finds and the indigenous communities in Thrace. Interrelations during the Hellenistic period. Julij Emilov Sofia University The focus of the present paper is laid on the context and the distribution of La Tène finds in Eastern Balkans in the period following the Celtic campaign to Delphi in 279-278 BC. It is necessary to make a short remark on the term Hellenistic in relation to the cultural process in the area and the tribal groups of the Odrysai, the Getae and the Triballoi prior to the analysis of the archaeological evidence. The data in question corresponds chronologically to the time of the Celtic raids in Thrace and to the subsequent centuries of contacts between the communities in ancient Thrace and their contemporaries in Temperate Europe. The term Hellenistic however could be applied not only as a chronological designation of the historical period and a label for archaeological sites and finds dated after the campaigns of Philip II and Alexander the Great in the lands of the ancient Thracians till the Roman expansion in the area and establishment of the limes. It is possible to suggest that Hellenistic also contains a notion of cultural designation and reflects both the foreign impulses and the local responses (see Stoyanov 2000, 2003a; Theodossiev 2000). The emergence of urban centers following the southern fashion of planning and manner of fortification (Dimitrov,Čičikova 1978: 9-14; Domaradzki 1995, 1998; Popov 2002:176-177; Stoyanov 2003, 2005a; Bouzek 2005) as well as tomb constructions of the elite decorated with frescoes and furnished with imported pottery and silverware (for the latest discoveries see Kitov 1999, 2001, 2005; on tombs architecture Valeva 2005, Stoyanova 2005, 2006) are expression and probably the best illustration of active interactions between the ancient inhabitants of Eastern Balkan area to the communities in the Aegean region, Anatolia and the Eastern Mediterranean. In this respect and due to the active southern routes of communication the indigenous communities in the geographical area situated to the North of the Aegean Sea, to the South of the Danube River, and to the East of the Struma river (ancient Strymon) and of the Morava river (ancient Margus) were already involved in the process of urbanism and coinage when the Galatians started their raids in the Eastern Balkans. The southern part of the geographical zone became a kernel of Lysimachus’ sphere of domination at the time of the Diadochoi. The Getae and the Odrysai not only faced Lysimachus on the battlefield and had an important political role in the decades of conflicts after the Persian campaign of Alexander and the death of the Macedons’ ruler (Tačeva 1997; Delev 2003, 2004), but also expanded already active commercial partnership to different Pontic and Aegean centres and established some new sophisticated systems of trade relations (Božkova 1988, 1992, 1999; Getov 1995; Bouzek1990:94-101, 178-181, 1996; Stoyanov 1999). Political and cultural phenomena, which took place in the Hellenistic world in the last decades of the 4 th c. and the beginning of the 3 rd c. BC had a direct impact on the development of the communities in Thrace. After the death of Lysimachus in the battle of Couropedion in 281 BC and the Celtic raids in the beginning of the 70-ties of the 3 rd century the area is the closest northern periphery of the Hellenistic koine (Randsborg 1993: 99-102; Archibald 1998:94ff) and the southeastern periphery of the La Tène world – a contact zone between different cultural traditions of Mediterranean and Temperate Europe. Considering the specific position of the Eastern Balkan area from both geographical and cultural point of view and the nature of the archaeological evidence, as well as the current stage of research on the topic it is possible to suggest different models of distribution and function of La Tène finds in Hellenistic Thrace. The earliest contacts recorded in the ancient written sources between the Celts mentioned in the texts and the local communities in the area in question took place during the negotiations between Syrmos, the ruler of the Triballoi and Alexander the Great in 335BC. According to Arrianus ( Anab.1, 4, 6-8) and Strabo (7, 3, 8) a delegation from the Celts coming from the Western Balkans or Adriatic regions attended the meeting and expressed their friendship and hospitality to the king of the Macedons (on the written sources see Katsarov 1919; Woźniak 1975; Rankin: 1987:83-102; Tomaschitz 2002: 92-96). It seems probable that at the same time relations are established with Triballoi, allies of Argead house after the conflict (Theodossiev 2000: 81-82, 2005). The well known golden torque from Gorni Tsibar (fig.1;map-No18), which is the earliest archaeological evidence of contacts between Eastern Balkans and Central Europe during the Late Iron Age (latest research on the find in Megaw 2004, 2005; Theodossiev 2005 with op.cit) should be dated to this historical context or a decade later. Taking into account the form and the decoration of the item, it is plausible to suggest a date of the find in the last decades of the 4th or the first quarter of the 3 rd century BC, which corresponds to La Tène B2. The solid golden neck-ring with incised geometrical designs on button-like finials is the most Eastern find made of gold decorated in original La Tène design and a single find in Waldalgesheim style known from the Eastern Balkans (Jacobsthal 1944: No46; Megaw/Megaw 1989: 119-120 and ill.168; see also the contribution of Bouzek in the present volume). Due to the lack of clear archaeological context of the find and any information on the circumstances of its discovery (Theodossiev 2005) it is impossible however to determine whether the torque comes from a ritual or a grave deposit in an area very close to the southern bank of the Danube river Beyond doubt the neck ring is a product of the workshops in La Tène Europe has been imported in Northwestern Thrace several decades earlier prior to the large scale penetration and Celtic raids in inland Thrace according to the information from the ancient written sources and preceding the Celtic campaign to Delphi. A vague mention in Seneca (Nat. quaest. 3.11.3) and Plinius (n.h 31,53) of a conflict and victory of Cassander (315 -297BC), ruler of Macedons over unnamed Galatai somewhere in the Haemus (most probably the western part of the mountain range), (Nachtergael 1977:3-14; Tomaschitz 2002: 95; Theodossiev 2005) provide a historical event – background of interpretation of this precious item as a gift from the Galatians to unnamed Tribalian aristocrat or a booty taken after the military success in the last decade of the 4th century BC (Frey, Szabó 1991: 481). Bearing in mind the ambiguity in gender attribution of high status markers in princely graves (Arnold 1991: 372, 1996, 2001) and the example of Waldalgesheim princes’ grave (Joachim 1995: 60-73, pl. 4 with op.cit; latest analysis of Waldalgesheim finds in Frey 2004:121) the golden torque from Gorni Tsibar could be interpreted also as a gift to a noble female or part of personal adornments, characteristic of women’s costume. Other probable interpretation is that the torque could be seen as a part of a personal set of jewelry, which had reached the banks of the Lower Danube reflecting exogamy and high-status female moving outside the Celtic world. In this case, archaeological record also provide hints about the role of the individual behind the long-term trends such as Celtic raids and migrations to Eastern Balkans and historical events of military conflicts (on the concepts of agency and gender see Barret 2001: 143; Meskell 2001). Another example of prestige items from the world of La Tène, which reached the Eastern Balkan area are chariot decorations from Mal tepe tomb near Mezek (fig.2; map-No19) (Jacobsthal 1944: No176; Domaradzki 1984: 125-126, fig. 34; Fol 1991; Megaw/Megaw 1989: 140 and ill.212; Megaw 2004: 96, fig.2a; publication of the tomb in Filov 1937, 1937a). Dated to the time of the raids in the beginning of the 2nd quarter of the 3rd century the fittings to a chariot are well known and perceived as a label of La Tène finds from Hellenistic Thrace. Discovered in the dromos (corridor) of the tholos tomb in Mal tepe and related to the secondary burial in a tomb construction built probably in last decade of the 4th century - as suggested by the dating of the original burial and the architectural design of the tomb (Domaradzki 1998: 50-53; Stoyanov 2005) – these chariot decorations raise questions on the circumstances which took this collection of “Plastic” style harness mounts into an elite Odrysian burial place among grave goods of local and southern origin. Several scenarios and interpretations have been suggested in order to situate the bronze fittings of La Tène В2 or early La Tène C1 style in historical context and quite dynamic political events in the valley of Hebros after the death of Lysimachus and the Celtic raids. The find is attributed to a Galatian chieftain of Tylis buried in the Mal tepe tomb in order to claim territorial legitimacy (Cunliffe 1997:174-175), or a booty sized by the Thracians and deposited in the tomb (Fol 1991, Cunliffe 1997: 79-80; Domaradzki 1998: 51, Theodossiev 2000: 35; Megaw 2005). The date of the bronze applications coincides with peak of Celtic campaigns in Thrace, and could be related to the victory of Antigonos Gonatas over the Celts at Lysimachia in 277-276 BC (Szabó 1991) and the subsequent establishment of Tylis as political factor in the Hebros valley. It has been recently suggested, that the chariot decorations could be related to Adaios, strategos of Antigonos Gonatas and deposited in the tomb as a trophies during the last stage of the Mal tepe tomb, associated with setting of bronze statuary group in front of the tomb (Stoyanov 2005:127 with op.cit). In Kaleto locality (map-No 4) in a close vicinity of the mediaeval fortress near Mezek are discovered house structures, architectural elements, imported blackglazed pottery and coins, which date the habitation at the place a quarter of a century earlier and contemporary to the tomb in Mal tepe tumulus (Velkov 1937:120-123; Domaradzki 1998:40-41). The fortress in the vicinity of Mezek is listed among the sites where the centre of the Galatian political formation in Thrace could be located (Hoddinott 1981:126-127, on the results of the trench investigations in Mezek fortress see Aladžov/Petrov 1985:58). Taking in consideration the present stage of investigation and research on the Hellenistic period settlement pattern in the region, as well as the current knowledge on the cultural process of Middle and Lower Hebros all the explanations on how the chariot decorations from Mezek are deposited in the dromos are very attractive, but remain a scholarly exercises and theoretical reconstructions based on the scarce evidence in hand. A stray find from Bobata fortress (fig. 3; map-No 8) north of the Osmar village and in the vicinity of the Shumen fortress (map-No 7) in Shumen region is an example of bronze chariot fitting in La Tène style (fig.3; map-No 20) from the area inhabited of the Getae (Atanassov 2005: 126, 130, fig.3) similar in function to the chariot decorations in the dromos of Mal tepe tomb. Two snake-like figures flank an abstract human face in high relief on the bronze plate of the fitting. The findspot of the application is in the territory of a settlement probably fortified by stone walls and dated to the end of the 4th – the 2nd century BC according to the results of the terrain surveys in the area (Dremsizova/Antonova 1975: 37, 65; Antonova 1995:6) and suggests an agglomeration of fortified settlements of local importance in Shumen plateau (Domaradzki 1998: 42; Popov 2002:150-155). Investigation of these settlement as well as large scale excavations in Kaleto locality close to the fortress near Mezek could provide hints on the regional context of the high status objects such as the chariot decorations from Mal tepe tomb and from Bobata settlement and broaden the possibilities of their interpretation beyond the limits of war booty and gift exchange. The Galatian invasions and settlement in the Thracian plain certainly have changed the political landscape, but it is hard to assess if these events had such a devastating effect on the development of the local communities as some Bulgarian researchers in the 1950ties and the 1960ties have suggested (Venedikov 1955; Mihailov 1961). It is questionable whether the crisis caused by the Galatians is not an invented modern conception, which sets about the shortcomings of the information provided in the written sources and archaeological data relevant to the turbulent times in Thrace of the second quarter and the second half of the 3rd century BC (Emilov 2005a). According to the results of the systematic excavations in the urban centres situated in the valley of Hebros river and in the land of the Getae it seems most of the major settlements have survived the Celtic raids. During the investigation of these sites there are no registered layers of destructions or repairs of fortification systems. Significant changes in the rhythm of cultural development due to the Celtic raids in Thrace during the 3rd decade of the 3rd century have not been noted (Emilov 2005). Two sites however demonstrate a variation of the overall picture and point towards the invading Galatians as a plausible explanation of the changes or an additional factor in the transformations that took place in Pistiros (map-No 2) in the beginning of the 3 rd century BC (Domaradzki 1995:16, 22-24, 34-35, 1996:23, 30, 2002:26-30; Popov 2002:83; Bouzek et alii 2004: 180, fig.10; on the latest result and the doublespring fibula over the destruction layer see Bouzek 2005a: fig. 2 and the contribution of Bouzek in the present volume) and in the fortifications on Krakra hilltop (map-No 1) near Pernik on Upper Strymon valley (Domaradzki 1984:117, 1998:34; Popov 2002: 141). Archaeological record of the period in question is marked by the appearance and large distribution of fibulae influenced by La Tène prototypes or following the construction of La Tène fibulae. Discovery of such items in the early Hellenistic centers as Seuthopolis and Sboryanovo and their adjacent necropoleis raises questions on the mechanism of contacts between the local communities in Eastern Balkan area and their contemporaries in Central Europe. A short comparison between the sites reveals strong diversity between the settlement centers and different level of contacts and reception of La Tène models. Double-spring fibulae found during the excavations of Seuthopolis (map-No 5) and the adjacent tumuli in the late 40-ties and the beginning of the 50-ties constitute almost 1/3 of the overall number of such items from the urban center on Upper Tonzos River. The majority of the fibulae belong to so-called “Thracian” type while 34 have double springs and follow the contemporary construction of La Tène fibulae fig. () ( Dimitrov/Čičikova 1978:27; Ognenova 1974, 1984:160-163, 174-176, fig.2). Items of the group with double springs are found in houses No 1, No 4, No 9 and in the area between houses No 10 and No 11 situated in the center of the fortified area and along the N-S main street (Domaradzki 1991:135-136). It has been noted by the excavation team that these types of brooches are related to the later period of the existing of the urban center. Another interesting observation is the similarity in the construction and production technique of the “Thracian type” and the double-spring brooches discovered in Seuthopolis (Ognenova 1984:162). It is an argument in favor of the assumption that both groups of brooches are produced in a local workshop, unfortunately not located archaeologically during the salvage excavations of the urban centre. A bronze fibula No 81 in the catalogue of the finds is probably an import from the La Tène core zone, a prototype for the local imitation noted as No. 82 in the same list (Ognenova 1984:176, fig.2). According to the context and typological features of the double-spring brooches, the finds from Seuthopolis should be dated to the second quarter and about the middle of the 3 rd century corresponding to the last period of habitation in the urban centre on Upper Tonsos (Domaradzki 1991: 136; 2000:207). A pair of golden fibulae discovered in a secondary grave A built by bricks in tumulus No 2 (fig. 4; map-No 21) from the necropolis of the urban center, together with the bronze coins type 7 of the local ruler Seuthes III, support dating of the secondary grave in the 2 nd or the 3rd decade of the century and are among the earliest examples of double spring brooches in Thrace south of Haemus mountains (Woźniak 1976; Domaradzki 1991:136; Megaw 2004:102-103, fig.10; on the dating of the secondary grave А and the coins see Dimitrov 1984:35-36). Grave constructions built by bricks similar to the secondary graves A and B in tumulus No 2 are investigated in the vicinity of Seuthopolis (Getov 1961:58, 1962, 1972:91-95). These graves could be interpreted as related to the elite of the Seuthes’ III capital. According to the grave inventory of the necropoleis of Seuthopolis and the grave goods as strigilae, lamps, funeral wreaths and luxury types of Hellenistic pottery as well as the grave and tomb constructions built by bricks or stone it seems that La Tène elements have a specific place in a cultural milieu of Early Hellenistic Thrace. La Tène brooches became an essential part of the costume among a group, which in the same time follows the Hellenistic manner of status expressions and group identity. A flat warrior grave (map-No 22) discovered in the north part of the present day town of Kazanlak in the environs of a settlement dated to the 4 th century, which is part of the dense settlement pattern around Seuthopolis (Getov 1962:41-43; Domaradzki 1984:fig.37, 1991:128, 131) raises questions on the extent and the nature of contacts between the inhabitants of Seuthopolis and the Galatians arriving in the Thracian plain. In one hand the depictions on the eastern frieze of dromos in Kazanlak tomb (Tulbe tumulus) of infantry warriors wearing oval shields with rib in the middle and shield fitting over the rib (Domaradzki 1984:124, fig.29), as well as the Middle La Tène sword and the helmet of “Pilos” type from the flat grave north of Kazanlak (Getov 1962; Domaradzki 1984:fig.37; Dimitrov 2002; Megaw 2004:103) could reflect the activity of a Galatian mercenary group in Upper Tonzos area. On the other hand a debate on chronology of the urban centre on the Upper Tonzos river and attempts to find a logical and historically based explanation about the end of the Seuthes’ III capital lead towards the idea of invading Celts sacking Seuthopolis and responsible for the decay of the fortified settlement (on the problems of chronology see Tačeva 1986, 2000; Popov 2002: 123-124 with op.cit). At the present stage of research however it seems implausible that the Galatians are the ones to blame for the changes and the collapse of the centre on Upper Tonzos river (contra Webber 2001; Megaw 2004:95 with op.cit). Dynamics of the political process and data from Seuthopolis and its surroundings suggests a scenario of Seleucid interference at the time of Antiochus II and his campaign in Thrace in the middle of the 3rd century BC. (Delev 2003:114; Emilov 2005a). In contrast to the picture already outlined by the development of Seuthopolis, the other urban center situated down the river Tonzos – Cabyle (map-No 6), located at the great bend of the river is an example of continuous development during the 3rd century BC (Velkov 1991). There is almost no finds of La Tène types or items influenced by the La Tène fashion discovered at the present level of investigations in the urban centre and its territory (on the double-loop spring of a bronze fibula found in tumulus No 7 and its context see (Getov 1991:174-175; Emilov 2005a). Active commercial activity and intensive trade relations to Aegean and Pontic centers as Rhodes, Cnidos, Cos and Sinope are indicated by numerous amphora stamps discovered in the city (Getov 1995: 118-122) and wide distribution of its autonomous coinage (Draganov 1984, 1993). Cabyle leaves an impression of political stability, emergence of social structures similar to the Hellenistic poleis and economic prosperity in the framework of the Hellenistic koine during and after the Galatian raids in Eastern Balkans. It seems that some of the communities in Thrace not only have survived the arrival of the fierce warriors from Temperate Europe, but also managed to take advantage of important factors as favorable geographic location and economic potential to preserve their autonomy and benefit from the relations to the major Hellenistic centers. A group of silver and bronze mints discovered in the valley of Tonzos river and the eastern parts of the Balkan range are the single archaeological evidence related to Cavarus, known from Polybios’ texts (Polyb. 4.46.52; 8.22) as the last ruler of the Galatian political formation in Thrace around Tylis (Tačeva 1981, 1997: 35; Delev 2003:108-109 with op.cit; commentary on the information from Polybios see in Strobel 1996: 236; Tomaschitz 2002:139-141 and his contribution in the present volume). The issues of Cavarus are probably minted in Cabyle, as there are close similarities between these coins and the countermark of Cabyle on the coins of Antiochus II - image of the goddess Artemis with a pair of torches. The same figure is engraved also on the autonomous coinage of city and suggests a date of minting in the beginning of the last quarter of the 3 rd century (Draganov 1984; 1991: 204, 1993:75-86). Striking at the same time of the coins bearing the name Cavarus and the autonomous silver coinage of Cabyle poses the question about the circumstances that forced Cabyle to mint in the name of Galatian ruler. The contributions paid by Byzantion to the rulers of Tylis provide a model of relation between the ports of trade and political formation of the Galatians in Thrace (Domaradzki 1984: 86; Domaradzki 1995a: 126 – 127; Werner 1996: 288). In this framework it is suggested that Cavarus issues were tribute of the city to the last ruler of Tylis (Gerasimov 1959: 119). It seems however, that the Galatian tribute imposed on Cabyle was a single act and a brief episode of urban center history rather than a notion of long-term dependency and pressure (Delev 2003:110). A fragmentary inscription discovered in Cabyle ((fig.5) containing the combination ΓΑΛΑ on the marble slab reconstructed as ΓΑΛΑΤΑΙ or ΓΑΛΑΤΩΝ is dated to the second half of the 3rd century BC (Velkov 1991a: 11-12, fig. 2). It seems logical to associate this epigraphic monument mentioning Galatians to the episode of Cavarus and his relations with Cabyle, but the exact nature of the inscription remains unclear due to its fragmentation and lack of available basis of comparison. The chronology of the events and the historical contexts are beyond any doubt appropriate and such an interpretation is also in direct relation to the dating of the inscription based on paleographical features. The monument could reflect an agreement between Cabyle and Galatians concerning the tribute of the polis on the great bend of the Tonzos River or a decree in honour of a citizen involved in the events (Emilov 2005a). If we point our attention towards the lands situated to the North of the Balkan range and to the South of the Danube River in the territories controlled by the Getae, the largest Hellenistic urban settlement is located in Sboryanovo (map-No 9) near the modern town of Isperih, present Northeast Bulgaria (Stoyanov/Mihaylova 1993; Stoyanov 1996/7, 2001, 2003, 2003a, 2005a; Popov 2002: 156165; Stoyanov et alii 2004). The fortified center is situated on a plateau surrounded on three sides by the Krapinets River. Powerful stone fortifications defend a territory of over 10 hectares and the site stands out as one of the most important economic and political urban settlements among the centers in Hellenistic Thrace (Stoyanov 2003:414-418). An impressive consumption of Aegean wine, suggested by the quantity of the amphorae and amphora stamps discovered there, as well as the import of blackglazed Hellenistic wares are markers of economic prosperity and active, well established commercial relations to the production and trading centers in the Aegean and the Black Sea region (latest in Stoyanov 2005:209 with op.cit.). The site is identified as Helis, capital city of the Getae ( Delev 1990:93-96, 2000: 396-401; Stoyanov 1996/7: 89-91, 2005a:212-213) from the last decades of 4th until a devastating earthquake in the middle of the 3 rd century shook the region and the site was abandoned (Stoyanov 2003:414 with op.cit.). The capital of the Getae located on a navigable tributary to the Danube River had not only an economic potential as a market and major consumer of imported wine, olive oil and luxury commodities from the Aegean and Pontic zone. According to the present results of the archaeological exploration in Sboryanovo the fortified settlement and the surrounding area played an important role also as producing centre with metalworking, pottery and bone workshops which have been investigated on the plateau and its slopes (Stoyanov/Mihaylova 1996; Stoyanov 2003:419-421, 2005a:209-210; Mihaylova 2005:233-234; Gančeva 2005). Special attention will be paid to the products of the local metalworking workshop discovered in the central part of the plateau in the fortified part of the centre as revealed by a large collection of tools and production traces there (Stoyanov/Mihaylova 1996, forthcoming; Stoyanov et alii 2004:20-23). It provides a rare opportunity to establish a link between a workshop and its production and has wider implications bearing in mind the context and the chronology of the finds in the first half of the 3rd century BC. More than 60 percent of the brooches discovered at the present stage of exploration in the settlement center have La Tène construction and follow the Duchcov – Münsingen scheme (Stoyanov/Mihaylova forthcoming). It should be noted that the La Tène types of brooches produced in Sboryanovo reflect and to a certain degree follow the trends of the development of the fibula design in the La Tène core zone, as manifested by the appearance of the ball on the foot or non-functional double springs on the end of foot, as well as on the top of the foot over the bow leaving an impression of a junction point decorated with a double springs (fig.6). The products of the local metalworking workshop find similarities among the finds of brooches and assemblages in the western parts of the Balkans (see Bozič 1981; Guštin 1984, 1987), in the valleys of the Morava river and the southern tributaries of the Danube river (Jovanovič 1975, 1992; Popovič 1995), in the Carpathian area (Zirra 1975, 1976, 1991) and beyond (Peschel 1972; Polenz 1982; Szabó 1992, 1995; Jerem 1995; Shchukin 1995; Redina 2005). The most striking information is the dating of the brooches according to the structures of their discovery and the associated finds in the first half of the 3 rd century and especially in the second quarter of the 3rd century BC (Stoyanov/Mihaylova forthcoming). Bearing in mind the terminus ante quem for the habitation in urban center prior to the devastating earthquake and the period of production of the metalworking workshops in Sboryanovo, dress accessories in question are among the earliest examples from the lands of the Getae and provide information about the introduction of La Tène elements in the style and the appearance of the local inhabitants. The grave finds from Malomir (map-No24) and Branichevo (map-No25) in Shumen area (Dremsizova 1962; Domaradzki 1984:119ff; 1991:136) dated to the first half of the 3 rd century mark the beginning of this process and in context of the results from Sboryanovo it seems that La Tène types of objects among the Getae were not only imported items but also a result of the interaction between the traditions in Eastern Balkan area and the influences of the fashion coming from Middle Danube and beyond. In regards to the direct imports fragments of a bronze anklet (Hohlbuckelring) discovered in the area of the South Gate, which is the main entrance to the urban centre in Sboryanovo (Mihaylova 1991; Stoyanov/Mihaylova 1996; Megaw 2004:98 with reference on Hohlbuckelringe in the Balkans and Asia Minor), as well as fragments of a jug with graphite surface found in a well in front of the Southern wall of the fortified area with terminus ante quem for its deposition about 273 BC are evidence of the contacts not only to the raiding groups of Galatian warriors at the time of migrations but also to their contemporaries in Middle Danube and further west or to Transylvania along the salt routes. The impact of the La Tène style on the local communities in Thrace is also evident among the single-loop brooches of so-called “Thracian type” (Domaradzki 1984:138-139; 1991:135; 2000). Non functional double springs attached to the foot of the brooch, loops on the bow and round plates on the foot top are among the elements in the brooch construction related to the new outlook of these finds during the 3rd and the 2nd century in Eastern Balkans. Analyzing the finds of “Thracian” type fibulae from the necropolis at Zimnič (map-No 26) on the north bank of the Danube these combinations of elements are the basis to define the types as “Thraco-Celtic” hybrids (Alexandrescu 1976, 1980) and to include the items such as “à brandebourgs” type of brooches in the latest classification scheme of “Thracian” fibulae in groups IV-VI as “Thracian” fibulae influenced by La Tène Style (Domardzki 2000: 215-217, fig. 8-9). However it is questionable whether the double-spring brooches following the prototypes from La Tène world and discovered in the land of the ancient Thracians should be positioned in united classification scheme with the single-loop ones – later derivations of the “Thracian” types of fibulae and influenced by the actual trends due to difference in their construction and concept – a linear contour and the impression of space produced by the double springs. A stray find from Veliko Tarnovo region in present Northern Bulgaria illustrates at best the theoretical and the methodological difficulty in dealing with these archaeological finds – a single loop brooch with a foot shaped as a zoomorphic ring similar to a pair from Sopron-Becsidomb and finds from Donja Dolina, Liter and Pecica (Mirčeva 2000/2001: fig.3-4 with op.cit.). This ornament belongs to group III in the M. Domaradzki’s classification but at the same time diverges from the other items in the group according to the specific foot and the concept of its appearance. There is no doubt that the difference in the approach towards the available data among the scholars is under the influence and their opinion about the main questions related to these finds – “Celtic products versus Celtic influence” (Megaw 2004: 103) and the current theoretical debate on “how far aspects of material culture may be equated with individual identities or ethnicities” (Megaw 2004:103; on the ethnicity debate and the Celts see Barford 1991; Jones 1997; James 1997; Megaw/Megaw 1998; Meskell 2001). A short review on some of the most representative grave finds from Hellenistic Thrace dated to the 2nd century BC shows that the search for identities based on archaeological finds should always take into account the cultural process in the area in question as well as the background and the trends among the groups when the aim is to bridge the gap between the concept of ethnicity and the data of archaeology. The tomb discovered in Sashova mogila (map-No23) near the modern town of Shipka in Kazanluk plain just south of the Shipka pass is an example of how elements originating from different cultural traditions are embodied together in the image of the leader and warrior as suggested by his tomb construction and grave inventory. According to the “Macedonian” barrel-vaulted roof of the stone-built chamber and the overall tomb construction the tomb in Sashova mogila is among the monuments with rectangular plan and roof construction built in the territory of ancient Thrace and Macedonia in Early Hellenistic period to the middle of the 2 nd century (on the tomb near Shipka Kitov 1996, 2003; latest review on barrel-vaulted monuments from Thrace in Stoyanova 2006). Silver phiale and stamped amphorae from Heraclea Pontica dated to 210-175 BC (Kitov 1996) provide reliable dating of the last burial in the tomb construction and indicate that trade relations between the centers in the Pontic and Aegean zone and the groups inhabiting Upper Tonzos continued after the time of Seuthopolis. Ever thirsty “barbarians” imported both prestigious and precious southern drink and deposited silverware and amphorae in the 2 nd century tomb as their predecessors acted a century earlier. The bones of a human individual and of a horse in the chamber are accompanied by various elements of the armament such as a chain mail tunic, a helmet, a sword and it seems that the aristocratic persona buried in the tomb was not only a member of the elite in the area of the Upper Tonzos river, but also a warrior and a military leader (Kitov 2003:41). A shield boss of La Tène C2/D type and dating discovered there shows that armament of La Tène types was popular among the groups in the Kazanluk plain and the process was not confined only to the area inhabited by the Triballoi, as result of their contacts with the Scordisci (Mikov 1932; Domaradzki 1984; Theodossiev 2000:14, 81-85, 2005; latest in Torbov 2005 with op.cit). Weapons of La Tène type became immanent part of the warrior image in Eastern Balkans during the Middle and Late Hellenistic period after the raids and the time of Cavarus, the last king of the Thracian Galatians of Tylis. A golden double-spring fibula (fig.7) decorated in gold filigree, granules and inlaid with dark blue, light green and black cloisonné enamel discovered near the human skeleton in the chamber of Sashova mogila tomb (Kitov 1996: fig.10; Marazov 1998:102; Tonkova 2002:106, 109 pl.II,9) deserves special attention as a rare example of Hellenistic cloisonné fashion combined with La Tène construction. The item “executed in an eclectic Graeco-Celtic style” (Treister 2004:195) is the best illustration of the trends in Thrace during this period and the context of the brooch discovery – a combination of local traditions, influence from the Hellenistic koine and La Tène zone is not only an important point in regards to the chronology, but also a reference point in understanding the dynamics of the cultural process in Eastern Balkans. Contemporary to the tomb in Sashova mogila near Shipka is the necropolis investigated on the left terrace of Kamchiya River in present Northeast Bulgaria, in the vicinity of the Kalnovo village (map-No 27)in Shumen region. During salvage excavations in late 1970-ties оf the tumuli located there several burial structures and pits were found. Among these structures a 3.50m deep shaft filled with stones leads toward below-ground chamber (Atanassov 1992). A clay lamp, a pair of La Tène C fibulae as well as elements of the warrior and equestrian equipment as Hellenistic helmet of Attic type, La Tène C rectangular umbo, swords, H-formed horse bits and a chain mail tunic are markers of high status and military command of the person, whose cremated remains were deposited about 220-180 BC according to the dating of the imported pottery discovered there (Atanassov 1992; Megaw 2004:104). The features of the grave construction are quite exceptional in the area South of the Danube river and suggest an influence from the North Pontic Steppe zone, but an example of the secondary grave in tumulus N 10 near Branichevo in Shumen region dated in the beginning of the 3 rd century BC where the shaft is 1,5m deep and the below-ground chamber is smaller than the one investigated near Kalnovo shows that it is not necessary to search for Late Scythian or Early Sarmatian source of inspiration and model of behavior. Dug in the terrain constructions although not so elaborate in plan and execution are also known in tumulus N18 in the Eastern necropolis of Sboryanovo (Ivanov 2005: 22-38) and near the modern town of Tutrakan (map-No 28)(Paunov 2005) on the south bank of the Danube river dated to the first half of the 3rd century and could be listed as prototypes of the structure investigated near Kalnovo. Latest period of the Pre-Roman Iron Age in Eastern Balkans, which corresponds to La Tène D period in Temperate Europe is illustrated by warrior equipment such as swords, knives, shield bosses as well as the brooches influenced by development in the La Tène zone. Relations of the local groups in ancient Thrace to the Scordisci and the Bastarni and mercenary activities could be mentioned as additional factors to explain introduction and use of La Tène types of artifacts in the area (Woźniak 1975, 1976; Tačeva-Hitova 1978; Theodossiev/Torbov 1995; Theodossiev 2005; Paunova 2005). Some of the phenomena in the Late Hellenistic period as local production of weapons (Megaw et alii 2000, Torbov 2000; 2005 with op.cit) and brooches (Haralambieva 2000/2001; Torbov/Antonov 2000; Antonov 2005) have their origin in the Early and Middle Hellenistic times but the emergence of warriors as expressed in the archaeological record of Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii groups (map-No 29,30,33) (Dimitrova/ Gizdova 1975; Woźniak 1976, Domaradzki 1994; Sîrbu /Ristoiu 1998) equipped with weapons as the scabbard from Poduyane (map-No 31)(Woźniak 1975), shields with umbos of Novo mesto 169 type from Kamburovo (map-No 34), Dojrentsi (map-No36), Kojnare (mapNo37) and Smochan (map-No35) (Luczkievicz 1995; Bockius/Luczkievicz 2004: 94-97) as well as with Karaburma type of umbo from Gorna Malina (map-No32)(Bockius/Luczkievicz 2004: 98) and visible in the imagery of the silverware from Galiche (map-No38) and Jakimovo (map-No39) (Marazov 1979, 1998: 234-237; Bouzek 2002) in the last two centuries before the coming of Roman power points toward a complex picture of mobility and exchange between the inhabitants in Eastern Balkans and their contemporaries in La Tène Europe after the collapse of Galatian political formation of Tylis, which will be discussed on other occasion. Acknowledgements: I wish to thank above all Prof. J. Bouzek (Charles University, Prague) for the invitation to take part in the symposium and invaluable advice, hospitality and discussions on the Celts, the Thracians, Pistiros and Thrace in Early Hellenistic period. I express my gratitude to my PhD supervisor Assoc. Prof. T. Stoyanov (Sofia University) for sharing his knowledge and useful commentaries on the topics discussed in the paper. I am also indebted to a number of individuals – Prof. O. Urban (Vienna University), Dr. P. Ramsl (Naturhistoriches Museum, Wien), Dr. K. Tomaschitz (Vienna University), Prof. V. Megaw and Dr. R. Megaw (Flinders University), Dr. N. Theodossiev (Sofia University), Assoc. Assoc. Prof. P. Delev (Sofia University), Dr. D. Stoyanova (Sofia University), Prof. K. Randsborg (Copenhagen University), Prof. I. Marazov (New Bulgarian University, Sofia), T. Dzhanfezova (Veliko Turnovo University) and Dr. J.M. 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Amphipolis Fig. 1 Golden torque from Gorni Tsibar (after Marazov 1998: cat. No.144). Fig. 2 Bronze chariot decorations from Mal tepe tomb near Mezek (after Domaradzki 1984; Marazov 1998:fig 29). Fig. 3 Bronze chariot decoration from Bobata (after Atanassov 2005: fig.3). Fig. 4 A pair of golden double-spring fibulae from secondary grave A in tumulus No 2 near Seuthopolis (After Woźniak 1975) Fig. 5 Fragmentary inscription on a marble slab from Cabyle. Fig.6 Double-spring fibulae – local production and import from Sboryanovo (after Stoyanov T., Mihaylova Zh., forthcoming) Fig.7 Golden double-spring fibula from Sashova mogila (after Marazov 1998: cat. No.12)